MDDP - In the Press - History of the Dutch and Dutch-Eurasians in Malaysia

History of the Dutch and Dutch-Eurasians in Malaysia

The following paper entitled 'History of the Dutch and Dutch-Eurasians in Malaysia, from Colonial Masters to the Forgotten People', is an extended (full text) version of the talk that was was presented by Dennis De Witt at Pasar Malam Besar at The Hague.

Date and Venue
27th May 2008, Bibit Theater in the Pasar Malam Besar at the Malieveld in The Hague.

Invitation by
Netherlands-Malaysia Association (Vereniging Nederland-Maleisie).

Sponsorship by
Malaysian Airlines and Tourism Malaysia.

Pasar Malam Besar 2008 at The Hague

History of the Dutch and Dutch-Eurasians in Malaysia
from colonial masters to the forgotten people
by Dennis De Witt, Co-ordinator, Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project

- Introduction
- Early Dutch Contacts in Malaysia
- The Dutch in Malacca
- Under British Rule
- Who are the Eurasians in Malaysia?
- Post-Independent Malaysia
- The Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project
- Conclusion

INTRODUCTION

In olden days, the whole Malay Peninsula was simply known as Malacca.[1] Remnants of past Dutch influences can still be found in the historic town of Malacca[2], as well as elsewhere in Malaysia.[3]

In many Malaysian history books, the Dutch period is described as a time when Malacca faded into insignificance. Apparently, the only purpose Dutch Malacca served was to control trade passing through the Straits of Malacca and to monopolise the purchase of tin which came from the interiors of the Peninsula. As a matter of fact, the Portuguese were in Malacca for 130 years and while the British held Malacca for a total of 155 years. The Dutch, on the other hand, held Malacca for a total of 160 years, making it the longest of the three European colonial eras in Malacca, but there is still little known about this era.

Introduction by Drs. Pim ten Hoorn of the VNM

Dennis De Witt's lecture

In 2007, Malaysia celebrated 50 years of independence. The nation took special pride in the fact that Malaysia has become well known throughout the world as a success story in the development of its multiethnic and multicultural society. Nevertheless, its success in establishing harmony and unity between the races, focus was invariably made on the three main ethnic groups that is suppose to display the diverse society of Malaysians, i.e. the Malays, Chinese and Indians. Communities that are made up of the minorities are often put aside and forgotten. One such community in Malaysia is the community of Malaysian Dutch descendants.

Many people do not realise that there are Dutch descendants still living in Malaysia. In fact, even most Malaysians are unaware of who they are, why they came here and how they are distinct from other Malaysian Eurasians. This community remains practically invisible. Their history and heritage have long remained untold, misconstrued and forgotten.

Early Dutch contacts in Malaysia

The 'Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie' (VOC) was founded in 1602. In that same year, a well-known Dutch admiral from Amsterdam named Jacob van Heemskerk sailed up the Johor River into the Malay fortified town of Batu Sawar — then the capital of Johor. From this first contact, van Heemskerk was able to cultivate the first bonds of friendship with Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah III and to foster an alliance between the two nations.[4]

The Sultan was eager to befriend van Heemskerk as the Dutch admiral presented a possible solution to the frequent hostilities he encountered from his old enemy, the Portuguese in Malacca.[5] It was an alliance that would henceforth last for almost two centuries.

The Sultan was impressed with the Dutch and as a sign of his sincere friendship. A servant of the Sultan named Megat Mansur together with a Malay entourage was sent as the Sultan’s goodwill envoy to Amsterdam with a letter from the Sultan to the Stadtholder, Prince Maurits of Nassau. Unfortunately, Megat Mansur died during the long journey to Holland but the Sultan’s letter was duly delivered to the Stadtholder by a person named Kamar who managed to learn sufficient Dutch during his journey so that he was able to act as the interpreter.[6]

Since the initial Dutch-Malay contact in Johor, Dutch mariners frequented Batu Sawar and they provided the Sultan with support for Johor’s defence against attacks by the Portuguese who were based in Malacca. From time to time, crew members from Dutch fleets were also stationed in Batu Sawar to devote their assistance to Johor, establish trade with the Malays there and to assist the Sultan on military matters.[7]

In 1606, Admiral Cornelis Matelief de Jonge arrived in the Straits of Malacca and he successfully concluded a fresh agreement with Johor for a joint military offensive to capture Malacca from the Portuguese. Although the first joint Dutch-Malay operation to capture Malacca was unsuccessful,[8] it signified an unbroken alliance and commitment to their friendship.

Eventually, Portuguese Malacca fell to the joint forces of the Dutch and the Johor Malays in 1641.[9] However, some historians argued that Johor was cheated by the Dutch of its claim on Malacca after it was captured from the Portuguese because the Dutch had initially vowed to return Malacca to the Sultan of Johor upon its capture but later retracted on their promised.[10] However, this statement is inaccurate as there was an agreement made for the Dutch to occupy Malacca and for Johor to control the territories surrounding Malacca as well as the islands in the south of the Malay Peninsula.[11]

As Malacca came to the possession of the Dutch, it did not signify that Johor was short-changed from this arrangement.[12] Instead, with the fall of Malacca’s Portuguese fortress to Dutch hands, Johor was freed from Portuguese and Acehnese threats that had plagued it for more than a century.[13] Johor began to prosper and its status in the Malay world began to rise. As for the Dutch, they would remember its early alliances with Johor and their indebtedness to the people of Johor for their assistance in capturing Malacca.[14]

The Dutch in Malacca

From 1641, the region surrounding the Straits of Malacca experienced a period of relative peace. In the 17th century, the Dutch administration of Malacca concentrated mainly on repairing and strengthening the fortress of Malacca, building the town and developing commerce in the surrounding region.[15]

In order to rebuild the town, the existence of a flourishing community and society was needed. The Dutch had deliberately encouraged the Chinese to come to their newly acquired possession. To encourage the Chinese to trade in Malacca, they were given incentives by way of tax exemptions.[16] Soon, Asian merchants and traders began to return to Malacca to conduct business there. However, the centre for the VOC's economic hub would remain in Batavia.

When tracing the demographic transformation of Malacca, it was shown that during the Dutch era, the first plural society in Malaysia came into existence with people from the Malay, Chinese, Indian, Arab, Peranakan[17], Eurasian and European communities mixing and living in harmony in Malacca.[18]

The dawn of the 18th century brought about many social, economic and political changes in Malacca.[19] It was also the time when Malacca began to witness the establishment of more Dutch settler families with their offspring born and raised in Malacca. Many of them were from either the first or second generation of Malacca Dutch descendants. Malacca also saw the arrival of a variety of Europeans on VOC ships who made Malacca their new home and became part of the Malacca Dutch community.

These newcomers were mostly young men from Europe who found their wives from the daughters of the existing Malacca Dutch community. After their employment tenure with the VOC expired, they continued to live in Malacca, became Free-Burghers there, established themselves as private traders and raised their families in Malacca. They were the progenitors of the families who continued to live in there through the generations.

The Malacca Dutch community of the 18th century had a more lasting influence and many of these families held their roots firmly on Malacca soil.[20] Sailors, military men, craftsmen, officers and administrators who were employed by the VOC arrived in Malacca and made the town their new home. These people carried with them surnames such as Baumgarten, Bodenstein, de Wind, Groosse, Kesselaar, Klaassen, Kraal, Neubronner, Overree, Rapa, Pavonarius, Spijkerman, Tessensohn, Thomazius, Valberg, van der Beek, van Moesbergen, van Wieringen, Velge and Westerhout. Many of their descendants still exist today.

Dutch loyalty towards Johor — their ally since 1602 — often proved to be a costly affair for the VOC. A century later, it caused the Dutch in Malacca to be involved in battles against the Bugis from Johor, the Minangkabau people of Naning[21] and Siak in Sumatra. Their alliance proved to be especially difficult for the Dutch administration of Malacca in trying to ensure diplomacy, maintaining safety of the waterways and to preserve a balance of power for the Malay Rulers around the Straits of Malacca.[22]

The first half of the 18th century was plagued with conflicts involving Johor, Siak and the Bugis.[23] It was also the time that saw the birth of Riau and its ascension to become a rich Malay trading port. Riau was able to replace Malacca as the new Malay trade centre in the region and it even began to compete against Batavia.

Although Malacca was ruled by a foreign European power, the Dutch administration of Malacca was not ignorant of the politics and power struggles of the Malay Rulers in the region. Often, it was by their own allegiance that the VOC was forced to be entangled in such affairs.

The involvement of the VOC in local politics went beyond their mere obligations towards old friendships and trade treaties that were concluded with the Malay Sultans. Maintaining an equilibrium of power in the region also meant maintaining peace in the Straits. By securing peace, it allows for economic stability and the development of commerce, particularly to the regions where the VOC relied on the production of valuable tin.

By 1795, the VOC was approaching the end of its existence. When the Dutch Republic fell to Napoleon’s army, Prince William of Orange escaped and took refuge in England. From the Kew Palace, the Stadtholder called upon all the commanders of overseas Dutch settlements to admit British troops so that the British could provide ‘protection’ against the French until the end of the war.

For fear that the key Dutch colonies on the trade roads to China would be taken over by the French, the authorities of British India decided on the conquest of most Dutch possessions in the East, including Malacca. The Straits of Malacca was an important oceanic trade route between India and China for the British. Should Malacca fall into the hands of the French, it would hinder Britain's lucrative trade with China.

Immediately, the authorities of British India ordered for an expedition to Malacca to take-over the town, either peacefully or by force. After only a frivolous and token resistance against British troops by the people of Malacca, the town was captured by the combined British naval and military expedition on 26th August 1795.[24]

In December that year, six more British ships commanded by Admiral Peter Rainier arrived in Malacca from Penang. Rainier formally dissolved the Dutch counsel, lowered the Dutch flag and ordered for an inventory to be made of the VOC’s property in Malacca, as well as for the church and orphanage funds. Because Malacca was captured by military conquest, Admiral Rainier argued that he was entitled to the spoils from the capture. Therefore, he auctioned off the VOC’s properties, stores and opium at such low prices that it caused the business of many Dutch Free-Burghers in Malacca to be ruined.[25]

Soon after Malacca was taken-over by the British, some of the townspeople began to show open hostilities towards the Dutch there. Whether this unpopularity towards the Dutch in Malacca was instigated by the British as a scheme for them to gain a foothold there, the history records remain silent. A few days before his removal, Malacca’s deposed Dutch Governor, Abraham Couperus,[26] was jostled and threatened by a crowd as he was passing through Tranquerah — at the town's northern gate.[27]

Finally, Rainier made Governor Couperus a prisoner of war. The Governor and his family were removed from Malacca and brought to Madras in India.[28] Rainier also expelled the Dutch military commander, all Dutch officers and most officials and soldiers, leaving only eight Dutch soldiers and a sergeant who chose to serve the British East India Company and to stay in Malacca. The Free-Burghers of Malacca remained.

In 1807, the British began with the destruction of the Malacca Fort, the mobilisation of all the occupants of the town and the withdrawal of the British garrison there. An idea had spawned from the British authorities in Penang for the total destruction of Malacca and for the town to be erased from existence. With the removal of Malacca, the presence of the Dutch in the Malay Peninsula would come to an end, the British East India Company would have no competition in the Straits and the position of Penang would be greatly enhanced.

By mere coincidence, Sir Stamford Raffles,[29] who was on sick leave in Malacca in 1808, witnessed the fort's destruction and he wrote to his Governor General in India in an attempt to stop the destruction of Malacca. In time, a directive was obtained from India to halt the fort's destruction but by then, only the Land Gate was left.[30]

By the end of the Napoleonic era, Malacca was handed back to the Dutch, pursuant to the terms of the London Convention of 1814, but the actual restoration only took place four year later.[31] With their return to Malacca, the Dutch made fresh attempts to re-establish trade ties with Perak for the purchase of tin but this enterprise turned out to be a failure. By then, the Dutch were simply unable to compete with the high prices offered by the British and who had grown in strength and had already established themselves in Penang.

The Dutch intention to reassert their authority over Riau and the dominions of Johor proved particularly problematic. Complications were then increased when the British attempted to sway Riau's Rulers to accept the British instead of the Dutch. Although Farquhar's attempt to frustrate the reassertion of Dutch power in Riau was not directly successful, his efforts did eventually enable Sir Stamford Raffles to exploit splits in the Riau-Lingga nobility to counter the Dutch with the establishment of a new British free port at Singapore in 1819, which caused the old port-town of Malacca to decline even further.

Malacca's permanent change from Dutch to British rule came as a surprise for the people of the town. Malacca was exchanged for Bencoolen (now Bengkulu) in Sumatra.[32] This historic landmark was to alter the course of history of Malacca that would ultimately even determine the shape of history and culture for modern Malaysia. The event also caused a split in the Malay world and it would eventually cause for the political boundaries to be drawn between Indonesia and Malaysia.

Under British rule

1825 marked the end of Dutch rule in Malacca, the town became a permanent English colony and was included as part of the Straits Settlements. Thereafter, Malacca began to fade into obscurity.

Although the British permanently took over Malacca from the Dutch, contrary to contemporary belief, not all Dutch people in Malacca were expelled or had moved to Dutch controlled Indonesia.

With the exchange of Malacca for Bencoolen, the inhabitants of the effected territories were given 6 years to choose where they would like to live and to make appropriate arrangements regarding their homes and property.[33] However, Malacca’s Dutch community were unwilling to leave their home and their possessions in Malacca. They had become localised as Malaccans and were inherently connected to Malacca through their families. Their business and trade, which were often family owned, were long developed in Malacca.

Malacca's Dutch community was adaptive, they could work with the British and were friendly with them. In turn, the British also endeavoured to retain the Malacca Dutch families to stay so as to help in their administration of Malacca and its surrounding territories. So, they stayed on, adapted to the new political situation and served their new colonial masters.

With the development of the British port of Singapore, many Malaccans and Dutch Eurasians eventually became attracted by the opportunities that the new port and trading centre might provide. The gradual decline of Malacca as a trade centre and shipping port, as well as an outbreak of infectious diseases which swept through Malacca then,[34] were undoubtedly major factors in influencing the migration. After the middle of the 19th century, many Dutch Eurasians moved to Singapore. Today, relations and friends are still separated by the political divide at the Straits of Johor.

Because the Dutch descendants of Malacca were closely associated with the British Malayan government and due to their own adaptive trait,[35] the community's development of an adoptive British culture was inevitable. Dutch language was replaced with English and other old Dutch traditions became redundant as they mingled with their British counterparts. Their pride to be known as British subjects also helped to ensure the community's continued good social and economic standing at that time.

British ruled Malaya, in the 19th century, was a land of great opportunity and natural wealth. The British were opening up the country for development and they began large scale industries such as employing modern tin mining techniques and the cultivation of commercial crops. This required more administrative resources and better public infrastructure. However, there were simply not enough qualified people to assist in their plans of building Malaya.

The British colonial government were unable to induce its own nationals to come and take up jobs here as there was not enough money to pay them even a living wage. Therefore, the Straits Government of Malaya appealed to the Ceylon Government to send some of its trained men to Malaya to help open up the country for civilisation.[36]

A demand was created and supply inevitably followed. Ceylon responded by sending qualified English speaking locals who were citizens of the British Empire to help extend their administration in empire building.[37] Those who arrived in Malaya were the Singhalese and Ceylon Dutch Burghers.[38]

Ceylon Dutch Burghers first began to arrive in Singapore after the middle of the 19th century, and later to the Malay States.[39] A trickle of emigrants slowly became a stream of migrants who made Malaya their new home. They served the British in finance, education, defence, transportation and all other administrative sectors. They were mostly concentrated in larger towns across the west coast of the Malay Peninsula.

Those Ceylon Dutch Burghers were made up of those with surnames such as Anthonisz, Brohier, Ephraums, de Vries, Estrop, Hepponstall, Jonklaas, Jansen, Jansz, Kalenberg, Köehmeyer, La Brooy, Leembruggen, Oorloff, Scharenguivel, Schokman, Speldewinde, Thomasz, van Dort, van Cuylenberg, van Geyzel, van Tooren, van den Driesen, van der Smagt, van der Stratten, van der Wall and Wambeek. Their descendants are still be found in Malaysia today.[40]

At around the same time when the Ceylon Dutch Burghers began arriving to Malaya, other Dutch descendants from India and the Indonesian archipelago also began to arrive to the Malay Peninsula. Many of them served the British too. They were those with the surnames De Bruyne, Marbeck, Rodyk, van Buerle and Yzelman.[41]

In the early days, Dutch descendants and Eurasians[42] in Malaya were socially and economically considered as equals to the British colonialists. Entrance into British social clubs remained opened to the Dutch descendants, irrespective of the shade of their skin colour. However, by the beginning of the 20th century, those social clubs began to close their doors to anybody who was not a white European. Eurasians were eventually allowed admittance but they could enter only after 6:30 p.m., which effectively demoted them to a sort of second class citizen.[43]

It was when the Japanese invaded Malaya during WWII and all white British citizens were evacuated to India and Australia, leaving behind the pro-British Eurasians to face the wrath of the Japanese Imperial Army, that the betrayal became complete.

Who are the Eurasians in Malaysia?

The term ‘Eurasian’ is derived from the combination of the words 'European' and 'Asian' and the dictionary defines the term simply as “a person of mixed European and Asian ancestry.”[44] However, in Malaysia and Singapore, the word Eurasian is more commonly used to refer to the descendants of the Portuguese, Dutch and British — the people from the previous colonial powers in the region — whose surnames are etymologically European.[45]

The term ‘Eurasian’ was first popularly used in Malaya to refer to those people in 1874 by Lord Lytton in his minutes on the education of poor Europeans and Eurasians.[46]

A Eurasian’s surname is traditionally patrilineal in nature. The surname is retained through the generations, inherited by the following generation and perpetuated in the male line from one generation to the next. Therefore, the ancestral origin of a Eurasian is often easily identifiable from his surname.[47]

In Malaysia and Singapore, the Eurasians are called ‘Serani’ in the Malay language. Apparently, the origins of the word stems back to the earliest times of the Portuguese in Malacca. It was told that the word is derived from the Arabic word ‘Nasrani’, which basically means ‘the Nazarenes’ and therefore refers to Christians.

The Portuguese-Eurasians in Malacca use the term ‘Christao’ or ‘Kristang’ to refer to themselves as being of Portuguese descent and to distinguish their community from other Eurasians. In terms of numbers, they were never fewer than four-fifths of the total Eurasian community in Malacca They also probably account for over nine-tenths of all the Eurasians in Malaysia.[48]

The culture practised by Malaysian Eurasians is a variation and fusion of European and Asian origins. Most Eurasians are Christians and therefore, religious festivals such as Easter and Christmas are celebrated with both solemnity and festive gaiety. Their medium of communication is English, although there are still some Portuguese-Eurasians who speak a pidgin Portuguese also called Kristang. The traditional dress of Malacca Eurasians ladies is the Kebaya, which was popular with many of the other Malacca ethnic groups too.

Traditional Eurasian food is made up of a mixture of European and Asian dishes and cakes. Although turkey or an English roast may be served for Christmas, a spicy curry dish is often served at other times. Other preparations like the Ceylon Burgher Love Cake seem to be a unique fusion between East and West.

From the different Malaysian Eurasian subgroups, Malacca Portuguese-Eurasian are more well-known. Thanks to the creation of the Portuguese Settlement in Malacca before the Second World War and the social support that the Settlement receives from the Catholic Church, cultural organisations in Portugal and Macau as well as the Malacca State Government, Malacca Portuguese-Eurasians have now become a recognised community. Nevertheless, the culture and heritage of the Eurasians in the Portuguese Settlement do not represent the culture and heritage of the Malaysian Eurasians as a whole.

In the past, a social barrier existed between Eurasians who were economically better off and who mostly held administrative positions in governmental employment with those who were made up of fishermen and petty traders. During British colonial times, the ‘upper tens' Eurasians, were mostly of British and Dutch descent and Protestant in faith. On the other hand, the Roman Catholic Portuguese-Eurasians filled the lower socio-economic strata of the community. Much of the Eurasian upper-class behaviour then was motivated by a need to distinguish themselves from other Eurasians and to associate themselves with the European colonialists.[49] However, this situation was to change after Malaysia received it independence in 1957.

Post-independent Malaysia

Malaya received its Merdeka (Independence) from Britain on 31st August 1957. By 1963, the Federation of Malaya was changed to Malaysia and the Malay Peninsular was incorporated with the island of Singapore and the states of Sabah and Sarawak in Borneo. However, Singapore seceded in 1965 to form an independent republic.

Even before its independence, Tunku Abdul Rahman (who would become the first Prime Minister of Malaysia and became popularly known as Malaysia's founding father) held lengthy negotiations with Britain to see to the smooth transition of government and to ensure the rights of its citizens. The key concerns were the continued sovereignty of the Sultans, the placement of Islam as the country's official religion and the accordance of special privileges to the Malays and aborigines over the other races. These issues were eventually addressed and instituted in Malaysia's Federal Constitution.

Malays occupy the majority of the populous (including the aborigines who make up the ethnic majority from Sabah and Sarawak) in Malaysia, except for Singapore. On this island, the ethnic majority of the population has since British times been Chinese. Singapore's leader, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew (who became the first Prime Minister of Singapore), found the racial discrimination policies of the Malaysian government unsatisfactory and hence, decided for Singapore to opt out to form their own independent state.[50]

In other parts of Malaysia, Dutch descendants, other Eurasians as well as some Chinese and Indians also found Malaysia's racial discrimination policies to be a cause of concern for themselves and for the future of their children. For their children's sake, they wanted a future that they would be safe and secure, in a place where they would have the best education possible and a future that would be free from discrimination against race and religion.[51] Those who emigrated believed that they would not have a good future in Malaysia. Therefore, many gave up their good jobs in Malaysia and began emigrating overseas, with Australia then being a popular destination.[52]

A good command of English, which was not a problem for Malaysian Eurasians, played an important part in the Australian government's approval of their emigration applications. Also, many Eurasians who applied to be Australian citizens were born in the British Straits Settlements (comprising then of Malacca, Penang and Singapore) and they were still considered British subjects.[53]

From the time when Malaya was still part of the British Empire, the nation experienced political and social reforms that resulted in a fragmented multiethnic and multireligious society. Its citizens are generally made up of Malays, Chinese, Indians, which represent the major ethnic groups, and an insignificant number of other races. With the formation of Malaysia, each of the three main ethnic groups was accorded their political representation in government.[54] However, in the background there existed deep ethnic divisions between the races as each group sought to preserve its interest against the encroachment of others, which had potential to erupt in violence. And this was exactly what happened in 1969.

In 1969, Malaysia experienced violent racial riots after its general elections. It became infamously known as the May 13th incident.[55]

The 1969 elections resulted in the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition experiencing heavy losses, caused mainly by to the dissatisfaction of the Malaysian Chinese. Prior to the elections, party leaders were stoking racial and religious sentiments while campaigning in order to win support. Chinese opposition parties promoted the concept of a "Malaysian Malaysia", which would deprive the Malays of their special rights under the Constitution. Another factor was PAS, the Muslim led party, had accused the government of selling the rights of the Malays to the Chinese and as a result, they began to gain stronger support from the Malays population.

A day after the election results, Chinese opposition parties supporters held a public victory celebration. Thousands of Chinese marched through Kuala Lumpur, parading pass predominantly Malay areas as they hurled insults at the inhabitants. The next day, a counter rally was held by UMNO supporters. However, the situation quickly deteriorated into clashes of uncontrolled ethnic violence. A nation-wide state of emergency was declared and Parliament was suspended. After 4 days of violence, order was finally restored. In total, 169 people died, 409 persons were injured and 6,000 residents in Kuala Lumpur (where about 90% of them were Chinese) lost their homes.[56]

From the May 13th incident, Malaysia began to seriously address a multitude of issues, such as those involving racial unity, national security, eradication of poverty and education. Issues of privileged Malay rights and the sovereignty of the Malay Sultans gained further focus. This event marks the beginning of a new era in the country's political, economic and social development. It led to the implementation of Malaysia's New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1970.

The NEP is said to be responsible for immense changes to the economy of Malaysia for the last thirty odd years. In the past, each ethnic group could generally be associated with a specific economic activity or occupation. The Malays were largely seen as rural village dwellers and associated with small scale farming. The Chinese were seen as the rich ethnic group that controlled the corporate and commercial sectors of the country. The Indians were perceived as mere estate workers and labourers. The goal of the NEP was to eliminate the economic disparity among the major races in Malaysia and to defuse inter-ethnic tensions following the May 13th incident.

The fundamental objectives of the NEP were for the eradication of poverty (irrespective of race, although the Malays were seen as the poorest of the races) and the restructuring of society so that identification of race with economic function would be eliminated. It was planned to achieve this by sustained economic growth, where the Malays would have a greater share in the country's wealth, and not through redistribution of existing resources.

From the NEP, the term 'Bumiputra',[57] which refers to the Malays and indigenous people of Malaysia, was coined. In areas of employment, education and economic quotas, the Bumiputra category virtually replaced that of the ethnic term Malay.[58]

The NEP gave the Malays an upper edge in the granting of privileges in the business, education, the civil service and social sectors.[59] Laws and rules favouring Bumiputras eventually became present in practically every level in Malaysia.

One of the methods to help increase Bumiputra share in corporate equity was with the creation of the Amanah Saham Nasional (National Unit Trust) or ASN to be enjoyed solely by individual Bumiputra investors.[60] The investment scheme is a government run and profit guaranteed Mutual Fund available for purchase by Bumiputra buyers only, with return rates of approximately 3 to 5 times that of local commercial banks.

It is the government's target to attain at least 30% Bumiputra participation in the business sector by 1990. After 20 years from its implementation, the NEP was successful in reducing poverty, generating the nation's economic growth to be enjoyed by all races and making basic education available to all. Nevertheless, the government found that it was unable to achieve its targeted 30% Bumiputra share in business. Recent official data produced by the Prime Minister's Department states that this target has still yet to be reached and therefore, the status of granting Bumiputra privileges was extended up to the present and no date-line has been fixed.[61]

The down side of the NEP is that, although Malaysians were already divided by race in politics. Now, Malaysia has become further divided on Bumiputra and non-Bumiputra matters. Malaysian non-Bumiputras are even beginning to question the discriminatory privileges of the Bumiputra and perceive the policy as unjust and outdated.

Since the implementation of the NEP, the nationalisation of the Malay language in schools and the enhancement of privileges of the Bumiputra group in various sectors, these policies were not well received by Eurasians in Malaysia, especially those Eurasians who were educated and held jobs that could be in demand overseas. In the 1970s and 1980s, many more Eurasians in Malaysia began emigrating to Australia and other parts of the world. Thereafter, the number of Dutch descendants remaining in Malaysia soon began to diminish.

Eventually, Malaysia began to forget the many contributions of the Eurasians and Dutch descendants towards the early development of the country. Today, most Malaysians don't even know that there are still Dutch descendants left. The Dutch descendants in Malaysia have now lost their identity and the community has even managed to remain invisible and forgotten for around the last 180 years.

Malaysian Dutch descendants today live as a minority within an ethnic minority. According to the Malaysian Statistics Department, from Malaysia's population of 25 million, there are now just over 29,000 Eurasians living in Malaysia.[62] A vast majority of these Eurasians are of Portuguese descent. Although there are no accurate statistics, it is estimated that the number of Dutch descendants left in Malaysia today probably amounts to only around 3,000 individuals. So dispersed are the Dutch descendants in Malaysia that many had even lost contact with families who were once closely connected and even related to each other.

The Portuguese-Eurasians in Malaysia have a more visible and colourful culture. In Malacca, the Portuguese Settlement is seen to be the bastion of culture and heritage for all Portuguese-Eurasians in Malaysia.[63]

In the past, many of the Portuguese-Eurasians of Malacca were poor fishermen, petty traders or low ranking civil employees who made up the lower socio-economy class of Eurasians in Malaysia. Poverty among Eurasians, particularly in the Portuguese Settlement, was widely prevalent. Therefore, in the 1980s community leaders from the Settlement voiced their plea to Dr. Mahathir, then the Prime Minister of Malaysia, for assistance. The Prime Minister's concern for this deprived community led to the acceptance of the Portuguese-Eurasians to invest in the (otherwise Bumiputra only) Amanah Saham Nasional (ASN).[64] The Regedor (Headman of the Portuguese Settlement) was given the authority to scrutinise each application, confirm that the applicant is indeed an eligible Portuguese-Eurasian and if so, recommend the application to Permodalan Nasional Berhad for the acceptance of the application.[65] For a person to obtain the recommendation of the Regedor, he must first declare in a prescribed from that he is a Malaysian citizen, he is a Portuguese-Eurasian, he adheres to the Portuguese-Eurasian traditions and culture and he speaks Kristang.[66]

The promise of a guaranteed and higher return on their savings when investing in the ASN, that would otherwise reserved only for Bumiputras, is an extremely attractive proposal for many Eurasians. When this opportunity was open for all Eurasians in Malaysia, the floodgates were released and a vast majority of Eurasians (whether of Portuguese origins or otherwise) began to apply for the ASN so as to reap its financial benefits. By doing so, many non-Portuguese-Eurasians had either knowingly or unknowingly declared that they are in fact Portuguese-Eurasians.[67] Unfortunately, there are now some members of the Portuguese-Eurasian community who have used those declaration made by the other Eurasians to openly declare that because a vast majority of Malaysian Eurasians have successfully applied for the ASN, all Eurasians in Malaysia are in fact Portuguese-Eurasians. To go on further, some have demanded that all Eurasians offer their allegiance to the Portuguese-Eurasian cause and to the leadership of those in the Portuguese-Settlement. Threats were even made that by not doing so and to otherwise declare now that they are not Portuguese-Eurasians would mean that they had deliberately attempted to hoodwink the Regedor, Permodalan Nasional Berhad and the Malaysian government.[68]

At the same time, the Portuguese Settlement began to experience social and economic developments. With the past support of the Roman Catholic Church, the Iberian culture of the people in the form of singing and dances were not only retained but reintroduced to the community. The Malacca State Government assisted by building cultural centres and promoting their culture as a tourist attraction. Restaurants and other amenities were built for this community and promotions to visit the Settlement were conducted for tourists from within and outside Malaysia.

All these have since cause the Portuguese Settlement and Portuguese-Eurasians to become more recognised. Unfortunately, it is at the expense of the other Eurasians in Malaysia, particularly the Dutch descendants who also originate from Malacca.[69]

Due to the recognition of the Portuguese-Eurasians, the term Eurasian that was once widely used is now slowly being replaced with the term 'Portuguese-Eurasian' or simply 'Portuguese'. Inherently, this gives rise to the general idea that all Eurasians in Malaysia are of Portuguese descent. To perpetuate the misconception further, even scholars, Eurasian community leaders and other persons of authority often say that there are today no Dutch descendants left in Malaysia because they have all been assimilated into the Portuguese-Eurasian community.[70] Of course, this is actually far from the truth.

As a result of the Portuguese-Eurasians gaining popularity and the recognition of their culture in recent years, Malaysian Dutch descendants became even more marginalised and dispersed. They remained dormant and invisible among the multiethnic populous in Malaysia. Nevertheless, there were Dutch descendants in Malaysia who remained proud of their Dutch roots and attempted to display their unique heritage.[71] Unfortunately, many other Malaysian Dutch descendants never had the opportunity to learn more about their history, heritage and culture. There was no action taken either from within their community or from the outside to bring them together. Neither did they have any links with people from the Netherlands nor had any contact with the Royal Netherlands Embassy in Malaysia, although the Embassy held diplomatic ties with Malaysia since 1957.

The Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project

Although the Dutch descendants in Malaysia have become a forgotten group of people, through the generations, many of the existing families have always remained proud of their heritage and roots. These families knew that their surnames were of Dutch origin and they perpetuated this tradition within their own families and through the generations.

The other Dutch descendants within their community were also known to them simply by their surname. However, there was never any attempt for them to come together to form an association of Dutch descendants in Malaysia. In recent times, with so few in numbers left and because of the lost of their culture and heritage, it became apparent that this sub-Eurasian group is on an eventual collision course with oblivion. Therefore, a few Dutch descendants came together in 2002 and the concept of the Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project (MDDP) was founded.

The primary aims of the MDDP are simply to try to locate the Malaysian Dutch descendants so as to find how many of them are still left in Malaysia, to reconnect this community, to try to rejuvenate some of the lost culture, provide a sense of pride for the community's history and heritage, to re-establish the community's lost identity and to re-establish ties with the Netherlands. This task was undertaken voluntarily with scarcely any resources. With what began with just 6 persons, there now almost 80 Dutch descent families registered with the MDDP.

The MDDP acknowledges the rich ethnic variety within the Eurasian community in Malaysia, where there are Eurasians with Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, German, Italian, French, Scandinavian, Irish, Scottish, British and other European origins. The Project subscribes to the historic terminology used for the general categorisation of such groups singularly as Eurasians or even Serani. However, the notion that all Eurasians in Malaysia should only be known as "Portuguese" is rejected by the Project. It is felt that Malaysian Eurasians should be acknowledged for their rich ethnic, cultural and historical diversity, similar to the Malaysian melting pot of various races, each with their own unique heritage and culture.

From time to time, the MDDP arranges for gatherings for the Dutch descendants to allow families to reconnect with each other. The MDDP has also been involved in the Neubronner and Westerhout family reunions in Malacca.

The Project has since gained the recognition of a few heritage organisations within Malaysia and from the Netherlands, with the Vereniging Nederland-Maleisië as its main partner in the Netherlands The MDDP has also established a friendly relationship with the Royal Netherlands Embassy in Kuala Lumpur. However, the Project has no official connection with the government of the Netherlands for the Malaysian Dutch descendants are, after all, quintessentially Malaysian.

In 2004, the MDDP organised an international gathering of Dutch descendants that was held in Malacca. Around 150 Dutch descendants who have their roots originating from Malacca, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and South Africa from all over Malaysia and around the world attended this historic event. It was the first-ever Dutch gathering in Malacca for the last 180 years. The highlight of the event was the goodwill message delivered by Ambassador John von Mühlen on behalf of Her Majesty Queen Beatrix of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

In 2007, a book entitled 'History of the Dutch in Malaysia' was released for the MDDP to commemorate Malaysia's 50th Independence. The book launch was held at the National Library of Malaysia and jointly officiated by the Deputy Director-general of the Library together with the Ambassador of the Netherlands to Malaysia.

Today, the MDDP continues to strife for the Malaysian Dutch descendants to gain recognition of the community's heritage and receive acknowledgement for our ancestor's contributions towards Malaysia's history. Most importantly, it is hoped that Malaysians would accepted the Malaysian Dutch descendants as a unique ethnic community and recognise them as being part of Malaysia's colourful multi-ethnic society.[72]

Today, there are more Dutch descendants who are willing to proudly introduce themselves as either "Dutch Eurasian" or "Dutch Burgher". Previously they were too shy to state so when enquired of their strange sounding surname. In some small way, recognition of the Malaysian Dutch descendants by the Malaysian government has also been achieved. On 21st February 2008, Dato' Seri Syed Hamid Albar, Malaysia's Minister of Foreign Affairs, mentioned in his speech that "The Historical Links between Malaysia and the Netherlands date back to the 17th century......, the Dutch left behind their cultural mark; the Dutch Eurasian Community, Dutch words in the Malay language and numerous heritage buildings."[73] It was the first time that a Malaysian Federal Minister has mentioned the existence of a "Dutch Eurasian Community" in Malaysia. Nevertheless, there is still much to do for the MDDP to achieve its goals.

Conclusion

Today, there are more researchers and scholars who are taking notice of the Dutch influence in Malaysian history. There are more research papers and articles written about this era. From this, the history of the Dutch in Malaysia no longer remains a large void in Malaysia's history.

In Malacca, there exist many architectural remnants from its Dutch era. However, the social and historical contributions of the Malacca Free-Burghers, such as Abraham De Wind, Adriaan Koek and Johannes Bartholomeus Westerhout, have largely been forgotten. The contributions of the Dutch Burghers from Ceylon and the other Dutch descendants in building British Malaya have also been largely left aside in the study of Malaysia's history.

Although Malaysian Dutch descendants exist as a minority within a minority and the community has long remained invisible and forgotten, they persist to be proud of their European roots which are reflected in their surnames and their Dutch heritage. Nevertheless, Malaysian Dutch descendants are quintessentially Malaysian in every other way and represent a tiny but unique part of Malaysia.

At the same time, Malaysian Dutch descendants are looking to rediscover more about their roots, to learn more about their past and to reconnect with people from the Netherlands.

Notes:

[1] In Dutch, it was known as Malakka. See map entitled ‘Malakka, Sumatra, Java en Borneo volgens de Niuewste Warmemingen Opgesteld, c. 1789, Amsterdam’; which also appears at the back cover of my book, History of the Dutch in Malaysia.

[2] Historical buildings such as the Church ruins on St. Paul’s hill, the Stadthuys, Christ Church (former Dutch Reformed Church of Malacca), the old gateway, the 1673 building at Jonker Street, etc. See Dennis De Witt, 'History of the Dutch in Malaysia', Nutmeg Publishing, 2007.

[3] eg. The ruins of Dutch forts at Linggi and Pangkor, Dutch cannons at Lukut in Negeri Sembilan, Bukit Melawati at Kuala Selangor, Fort Cornwallis in Penang, etc.

[4] See Motley's History of The Netherlands, Chapter XL: History of the United Netherlands, 1602-1603, e-text from Project Gutenberg.

[5] The Sultan of Johor then was from the line of the Sultans of Malacca’s grand Malay Empire. Malacca fell to the invading Portuguese force of Alfonso d’ Albuquerque in 1511 which marked the end of the Malacca Sultanate Empire. The last Sultan of Malacca escaped and eventually founded his new government in Johor. Since then, the two bitter enemies — the Portuguese and Johor — were in conflict with each other.

[6] Ruud Spruit; Land of the Sultans, An Illustrated History of Malaysia, trans. Robert Lankamp, The Pepin Press BV, Amsterdam, 1995. pg. 57. (First released in Dutch as Het Land van de Sultans.)

[7] Refer to the visits to Johor by admirals Jacob Pieterszoon van Enkhuizen, Wijbrand van Warwijck, Cornelis Sebastiaanse, Cornelis Matelief de Jonge and Pieter Willemszoon Verhoeff.

[8] Refers to the Battle of Cape Rachado (now Tanjung Tuan) in the Straits of Malacca, 1606. It was said to be the largest navel battle in the region. Had de Jonge successfully captured Malacca, Malacca would have been the Administrative Centre of the VOC in Asia. This took place 13 years before Coen’s founding of Batavia.

[9] Portuguese Malacca was captured by the Dutch 14th January 1641, after a vicious siege that lasted 6 months which took the lives of my Dutchmen and Portuguese, ending 130 years of Portuguese rule of the town.

[10] This opinion was highlighted in the speech by Datuk Seri Mohamad Ali Rustam, the Chief Minister of Malacca, at the launch of the ‘Holland Days in Malacca’ event held in August 2007.

[11] A transcript of the agreement is found in the Report of Governor Balthasar Bort on Malacca, 1678; ed. C.O. Blagden, trans. M.J. Bremmer, JMBRAS, Vol. 5, pt. 1, 1927, pp. 10-12. No copy of the original agreement survives.

[12] Reinout Vos; Gentle Janus, Merchant Prince: The VOC and the Tightrope of Diplomacy in the Malay World, 1740-1800, trans. by Beverley Jackson, Verhandelingen, 157, KITLV Press, Leiden, 1993, pg. 63. With the conquest of Malacca by the VOC and Johor, it ushered in an entirely new era, in which the land that was heir to the ancient realm of the Malacca Malay Sultans was resurrected and now ruled over by Johor and the Dutch.

[13] Barbara Watson Andaya & Leonard Y. Andaya; A History of Malaysia, Second Edition, Palgrave, 2001, pg. 72.

[14] After the fall of Malacca, Governor-General Antonio van Diemen wrote to the directors of the VOC, stating that “we must continue to remember that the Johor people contributed substantially towards the conquest of Malacca. Without their help we would never have become master of that strong place. ” This old friendship with Johor was also recalled by later Dutch administrators.

[15] See Balthasar Bort; Report of Governor Balthasar Bort on Malacca, 1678, trans. M.J. Bremmer, JMBRAS, Vol. 5, pt. 1, 1927.

[16] During Malacca's Portuguese era, Chinese traders were mostly absent from Malacca. See S. Batumalai, A History of Christ Church Melaka of the Diocese of West Malaysia in the Province of S.E. Asia, pg. 28.

[17] People of mixed heritage.

[18] Radin Fernando, The consequences of disunity, Millennium Markers, The Star, 3rd April 2000.

[19] These changes were mostly due to direct and indirect results caused by the War of the Spanish Succession, 1701 to 1714, in Europe. One of such direct result was, Dutch anti-Catholic legislation in Malacca came to a complete halt. Also, since China opened its borders to European traders in 1727, Malacca regained some importance as a port of call for passing European ships for the long-distance trade between Europe and China. As a result, regional trade also became buoyant.

[20] The names on the tombstones on St. Paul’s Hill in Malacca are mostly from Malacca’s Dutch community who lived there in the 17th century. Their descendants are not found in Malaysia today. Most progenitors of the Malacca Dutch Eurasians in Malaysia arrived during the 18th century.

[21] Minangkabau people originated from Sumatra and Naning is now part of Negeri Sembilan.

[22] See Reinout Vos; Gentle Janus, Merchant Prince: The VOC and the Tightrope of Diplomacy in the Malay World, 1740-1800, trans. by Beverley Jackson, Verhandelingen, 157, KITLV Press, Leiden, 1993.

[23] Refers to the first Bugis attack on Malacca by Daeng Kemboja and the second Bugis attack by Raja Haji during the first-half of the 18th century. See Dennis De Witt, History of the Dutch in Malaysia, Nutmeg Publishing, 2007, pp. 69-79.

[24] A new joint Political Council was established in Malacca under Captain Newcome and Major Brown. Initially, the British and the Dutch community in Malacca enjoyed a civil and co-operative relationship with the British and the town experienced hardly any difference under the new order.

[25] Rainier’s administration destroyed the good relationship established by Malacca’s Dutch governor, Abraham Couperus, and Major Brown. This ultimately lead Major Brown to resign from his post in protest. After Malacca, Rainier moved on to the Spice Islands to accumulate more spoils from this conquest of Dutch establishments there.

[26] Governor of Malacca from 1788 to 1795.

[27] Brian Harrison; Holding the Fort. Malacca under Two Flags, 1795-1845, Monograph No. 14, MBRAS, pg. 35.

[28] Between 1796 and 1807, the Couperus family was made to live in exile in the Danish settlement of Tranquebar, on the Indian Coromandel Coast.

[29] Today attributed as the founder of Singapore, and he also took part in the Conquest of Java.

[30] Malacca’s Land Gate has often been wrongly called the A’ Famosa, which was actually the name of the Portuguese fortress. It is also commonly misidentified as the Portuguese Porto d’ Santiago (Santiago Gate). In actual fact, it was a Dutch gate that was built in 1670 and it was officially named Bort’s Gateway, after Malacca’s Governor Balthasar Bort.

[31] On 21st September 1818, Jan Samuel Timmerman Thijssen arrived at Malacca reclaim possession of the town which had been deprived of its fortress. It was reported by Munshi Abdullah that “the majority of the Malacca folk of all races were glad that the Dutch were taking back the settlement, for they thought they would be better off than under English rule” and the people thought that the town “would remain in Dutch hands forever.” Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir; Hikayat Abdullah, trans. and eds. Hill, A. H., JMBRAS, Volume XXVII Part 3, 1955, pg. 123.

[32] The Anglo-Dutch treaty of 17th March 1824 effected the exchange of Dutch and British possessions in India and the East Indies. The British formally occupied Malacca on 9th April 1825. The town was placed under the direct authority of the English Bengal Government and became part of the Straits Settlement, together with Penang and Singapore.

[33] Article XIV, Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824.

[34] Malacca experienced a deadly cholera epidemic in 1819 and a diphtheria epidemic in 1856.

[35] Generally, the Dutch would prefer to take the best from other people's culture and adopt it as their own instead of forcing people to adopt their culture. They are generally tolerant of other people's beliefs, social persuasions and culture. They are able to blend in with different cultures and environments.

[36] S . Durai Raja Singam; A Hundred Years of Ceylonese in Malaysia and Singapore, 1867-1967, pg. 34. Sir Cecil Clementi Smith appealed to the British Ceylon government to send some of its trained men to open up Malaya for civilisation.

[37] Ibid., pg. 35.

[38] At the Napoleonic Wars, by the provisions of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824, the country was formally ceded to Great Britain. However, many of the Dutch Burghers in Ceylon remained there. According to Ceylon Dutch Burgher genealogy researcher Nina van Dort, there were 900 families from the Ceylon Dutch community who were allowed by the British to stay on in Ceylon. After Ceylon became a British colony, the development of the Dutch community on this tropical island was not very different from Malacca. Eventually, the two communities would even connect with each other.

[39] Ibid., pp. 37 & 38.

[40] Dutch descendant from Ceylon families have always strongly held that they should be referred to as Ceylon Dutch Burgher or simply Dutch Burgher. They reject the use of the term Eurasian as in their culture, Eurasian referred to those who were born out of wedlock, and is therefore, a derogatory term. Dutch descendants from Malacca dropped the term Burgher after the British took over Malacca and refer to themselves simply as Eurasians. Therefore, the Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project refers to both communities as Malaysian Dutch descendants.

[41] According to Mr. Louis Edward Van Buerle of Penang, his ancestors came from the Dutch station of Negapatam in India. Mr. Victor De Bruyne of Kuala Lumpur said that his grandfather was a Walloon who arrived in Penang from Indonesia. The progenitor of the Rodyk family of Penang was Jan Rodijk who arrived in around 1801 from Ternate in the Banda Archipelago. The Marbeck family probably originated from Riau and it is likely that their surname was previously Marbach.

[42] This also refers to Portuguese Eurasians. However, they were mainly restricted to the fairer and educated ones.

[43] Hence, the origins of the localised term “half-past-six” which refer to something ‘lacking’ or ‘half-baked’.

[44] It was reported in the Straits Times in Malaya on 19 April 1949 that the Malayan Eurasian Union's definition of a Eurasian is "a person.... of mixed European and Asian descent whose progenitor in the male line are of European descent."

[45] This classification does not include first generation Eurasians where one parent is Asian and the other is European. The definition of a Eurasian in the constitution of the Eurasian Association of Singapore is 'positional' instead of racial in nature. To them, a Eurasian family is simply a family who has been accepted as Eurasians by custom and tradition, and who has shown the desire to be identified as a Eurasian. The requirement for a positional classification stems from the need to allow the offspring from the union of a non-Eurasian father and a Eurasian mother but who inherited his/her mother’s Eurasian culture. In Malaysia, there are children who may be Chinese or Indian who practice their maternal Eurasian culture, but sometimes also practice the culture of the other parent when the need arises.

[46] Bernard Sta Maria; My People My Country, The Malacca Portuguese Development Centre, 1982, pg. 165.

[47] Eurasian surnames of Portuguese ancestral origin are Alcantra, Carvalho, da Costa, de Cruz, Fernandis, Lopez, Lazaroo, Nunis, d’ Rozario, Sequerah and Theseira. Eurasian surnames of British origins are Aitken, Arnold, Augustin, Bligh, Capel, Cooke, Fletcher, Gregory, Grenier, Holloway, Maxwell, Shepherdson and Westwood. Scottish descent families have surnames such as McCleod, McCoy and McIntyre. Surnames such as O’Hara and O’Keefe have Irish origins. French surnames for Eurasians are Brohier, De la Harpe, Jumeau, La Brooy, Nice, Pascal and Sibert. Eurasian surnames of German origins are Neubronner, Pavonaris, Schubert and Tessensohn.

[48] Chan Kok Eng, The Eurasians of Melaka, Ethnic Diversity in Melaka.

[49] Jeremy Ian Barth, A Context to take for Granted?: Literary Negotiations of Eurasian Identity, BA Honours thesis, Humanities, Murdoch University.

[50] However, according to Lee Kuan Yew in his book ‘The Singapore Story’, Singapore was made to leave the Federation of Malaysia by the Tunku Abdul Rahman and UMNO.

[51] Correspondences with Mr. Jerry de Witt of Perth, Australia, March - April 2008.

[52] Between the 1950s to the 1970s, it was easier to immigrate to Australia if the applicant had a European sounding name. This pro-European policy also benefited the Eurasians and Ceylon Burghers in Malaysia, as well as the Anglo-Indians from India, the Ceylon Burghers from Sri Lanka and Eurasians from Burma and Singapore.

[53] Jerry de Witt was born in Malacca in 1940, about a year before the arrival of the Japanese invading force to Malaya. Between 1961 and 1965, he worked in Singapore. In 1965, before Singapore seceded, he moved to Sabah. Together with his friend, a Eurasian named Neubronner, Jerry applied for Permanent Residence in Australia for himself. His application was approved and in the next year he moved to Australia and his family followed a year later. Only after a year's residence in Australia could those who the country still considers as British Subjects apply for Australian citizenship. All other immigrants then had to wait 5 years before they could apply for Australian Citizenship. Correspondences with Mr. Jerry de Witt of Perth, Australia, March - April 2008.

[54] Malaysian political parties are based on racial representation instead of political ideology. The United Malays National Organisation or UMNO is for the Malays, the Malayan Chinese Association or MCA is for the Chinese and the Malayan Indian Congress or MIC is for the Indians. They form the main coalition known as Barisan Nasional (National Front) or BN, with UMNO leaders at the forefront representing the dominant race in Malaysia. Later, other smaller component parties also began to merge with BN. Malaysian political opposition parties are also mainly based on race and religion, with the Democratic Action Party or DAP which is mainly made up of Chinese and Malaysian Islamic Party or PAS for Muslims. There is no political party for the minority races, including for Eurasians.

[55] This was not the first racial riots experienced in Malaysia. In 1950, Malaya experienced its first case of racial riots in Singapore after the well publicised Maria Hertogh's case, which involved a 13-year-old Christian Dutch girl from Indonesia who had converted to Islam. Singapore, which was then still part of Malaysia, again experienced racial riots involving the Malays and the Chinese in 1964 and 1965.

[56] The deadly racial riots of 1969 were the first time it happened in Kuala Lumpur and it is today still used by Malaysian politicians and leaders as a stout reminder for Malaysians who may try to disrupt the country's fragile racial unity and arouse the anger of the Malays by questioning their privileged rights. Many have used it to blanket off discussion on any issues that challenge the status quo. However, Malaysia's 2008 elections showed that Malaysians are no longer haunted by this ghost of our violent past, when for the first time the states of Penang, Kedah, Perak and Selangor fell to opposition control.

[57] It literally means "Prince of the Earth". Bumiputra is also a political term widely used in Malaysia, referring to ethnic Malays, (including Javanese, Bugis, Minang origins) and other indigenous ethnic groups (Orang Asli) in Peninsular Malaysia and the tribal peoples in Sabah and Sarawak.

[58] Bumiputra has its roots in the recognition of the "special position" of the Malays given by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. See Article 153 of the Malaysian Federal Constitution. The constitution does not mention the term "Bumiputra" but only contains the definitions of "Malay" and "Aborigine". See Article 160(2) of the Malaysian Federal Constitution.

[59] Bumiputras obtain assistance from various government run organisations and agencies for entrepreneurial development; to secure business contracts from governmental department; reservation of 30% equity in companies listed on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange; enjoyed quota entry into local universities and securing loans for further studies in leading universities worldwide; employment opportunities in civil service; right to purchase homes as a discounted rate (of about 7%); Malay reserve land and purchase quota for new housing development projects; entitlement of various other government handouts and subsidies, etc.

[60] Permodalan Nasional Berhad, the body that administers the ASN, purchases blue chip shares on behalf of Malay individuals and the investors are rewarded with annual dividends.

[61] In 1990, the NEP was replaced by the National Development Policy (NDP). The NDP was supposed to have then been replaced by the National Vision Policy but UMNO has called for the NEP to be reinstated.

[62] J.P. Monteiro, former president of the Selangor and Federal Territory Eurasian Association (SAFTEA), in Eurasians marinating in all cultures for 500 years, New Straits Times, 15th September 2002.

[63] Eurasians in the Malacca Portuguese Settlement are mainly Roman Catholic, they speak a Creole called Papiá Cristão, dance the Branyo, sing the Jinkli Nona and make cakes called molho and bolo koku. Nevertheless, songs, dances, festivals, language and religion are the more colourful and material parts of a community's culture. Therefore, it is incorrect to presume that the Portuguese-Eurasian culture is the culture of all Eurasians in Malaysia. The Dutch were never well known for their traditional songs and dances, and the Dutch Reformed Church no longer exists in Malaysia. The strongest claim that the Malaysian Dutch descendants have on what is their culture is by their action of perpetuating throughout the generations the importance of knowing that they are of Dutch descent.

[64] It was a privilege that was extended to the Portuguese-Eurasian community. Other special rights of the Malays were never extended to the Portuguese-Eurasians and they were never bestowed the Bumiputra status. Neither are they considered as semi-Bumiputra or part Bumiputra.

[65] Permodalan Nasional Berhad, the body that administers the ASN, has the final say and may reject an application even if it was first recommended by the Regedor.

[66] At first these requirements were strictly administered by the Regedor so that only residents of the Portuguese Settlement and other Malaysian Eurasians of Portuguese origins (who could speak Kristang) living outside the Portuguese Settlement could apply. Eventually, it was decided to open up this opportunity for all Eurasians in Malaysia. Those who could not speak Kristang were immediately taught to say a few basic Kristang words before the Regedor signs the form to give his recommendation.

[67] There were also many Dutch descendants who applied for the ASN and were successful in their application. However, their declaration that they are of Portuguese origins were mainly only for the purpose of obtaining the ASN. In practice, they are well aware of their Dutch roots and do not practice the Portuguese-Eurasian culture. There were also others who never bothered to apply for the ASN.

[68] See The Eurasian Dilemma by Joseph Sta Maria, formerly the Vice President and Youth Leader of the Malacca Portuguese Eurasian Association. The book is a written text of the author’s speech given at 7th Annual General Assembly of the Secretariat of Portuguese Eurasian Malaysian Association held at Sungai Petani, Kedah on the 16th February 2002. In his speech, he reminded non-Portuguese-Eurasians who benefited from the ASN that they had in fact been assimilated into the Portuguese-Eurasian community. His opinion is that for them to now state otherwise, it amounts to “a very serious offence and [they] can be send to a maximum of 7 years jail if found guilty.” He also stated that they “would initiate to ensure that those who had benefited from the ASN/ASB [to] continue to uphold the declaration they signed in the form.”

[69] In 2001 I met Datuk Seri Mohamad Ali Rustam, the Chief Minister of Malacca in Banda Hilir. I respectfully introduced myself to the Chief Minister and politely informed him that "saya serani Melaka keturunan Belanda" (I am a Malacca Eurasian of Dutch descent). The Chief Minister first received my words with some puzzlement but he smiled as he replied to me by saying: "You must be the only one left!" because even the Chief Minister of Malacca thought that all Eurasians in Malacca are of Portuguese descent.

[70] Micheal G. Singho, President, Malacca Portuguese-Eurasian Association (MPEA), Include 'Portuguese Eurasians', in Letters to the Editor, The Star, 10th July 2007. Singho wrote that Malaysian Portuguese-Eurasians is a terminology that includes the descendants of the Dutch, the British as well as Anglos and Burghers. His statement may be true only for those living in the Portuguese Settlement, but there are many other Eurasians in Malaysia who do not consider themselves as being Portuguese-Eurasian.

[71] In 1991 and 1992, two articles about Dutch descendants in Malaysia appeared in the English newspapers. The first was on an interview with a Ceylon Dutch Burgher named Fred van Dort of Selangor regarding his family's genealogy research. The second is another interview with Hazel Westerhout, Francis van Huizen and Joseph De Witt, who are Dutch Eurasians living in Malacca, regarding their non-Portuguese-Eurasian heritage. See Sunita Sue Leng; To the roots of your family tree, New Straits Times, 9th September 1991 and Bonny Wee; Proud of their Dutch roots, New Straits Times, 10th February 1992.

[72] The Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project is not a registered association and it was not conceived with the intention of competing with existing Portuguese-Eurasian organisations. It functions more as a community movement. It is generally felt that if the MDDP seeks to be a formal organisation, it would only be perceived as a direct threat to the existing Eurasian organisations. For further information regarding the Malaysian Dutch descendants and the Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project, please visit the website at www.dutchmalaysia.net

[73] Opening address given by Dato' Seri Syed Hamid Albar, Malaysia's Minister of Foreign Affairs, delivered on behalf by Y. Bhg. Tan Sri Rastam Mohd Isa, Secretary General, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, at the Round Table Discussion on "50 Years of Diplomatic Relations Between Malaysia and The Netherlands: Lessons Learnt" held at the Institute of Diplomacy and Foreign Relations in Kuala Lumpur on 21st February 2008.

© Copyright, Dennis De Witt, 27th May 2008

The above paper or any part of it may be freely used only for education, scholarly or non-profit purposes. However, due credit must be given to the author and the Malaysian Dutch Descendants Project for any information or material or any part thereof that is used. Please contact the Project Co-ordinator (see contact page) if you require any further clarification.

Thanking the Netherlands-Malaysia Association (Vereniging Nederland-Maleisie) for making my visit to the Netherlands and the above lecture at the Pasar Malam Besar possible.

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